In Abilene, a quiet crisis has been building for decades. It doesn't make the front page. It doesn't draw a crowd. But it is there every time a police cruiser is dispatched to a home at 3:00 AM because a son is hearing voices, or a daughter is spiraling into a darkness her parents don't understand.
By the late 2010s, the Abilene Police Department realized they were responding to thousands of calls that had nothing to do with crime — and everything to do with a medical system that had simply run out of room. We have reached a point where the county jail is the largest psychiatric facility in the region. To understand how we got here, we have to look at the system we inherited.
PART I: THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF FAILURE
This isn't a new problem. It's a sixty-year-old ghost.
In 1963, President John F. Kennedy signed the Community Mental Health Act. The vision was bold: empty the overcrowded state hospitals and treat people in their own communities. But then the world changed.
Professor Brian Shannon has spent over three decades teaching mental health law at Texas Tech University. He explains what happened when the funding never followed the vision.
"The last act that President Kennedy signed before he died was a comprehensive community mental health bill to try and help establish community-based authorities or services for people with mental health issues in the community. The dollars just didn't follow." — Prof. Brian Shannon, Texas Tech University
What did follow is a gap. People filled the streets. The emergency rooms. And eventually — the jails. Professor Shannon calls what happened next something worse than failure.
"We've almost seen in this country, in our state, a trans-institutionalization — going from one type of state facility, the state hospital system, into the jails and prisons, often because of a lack of adequate community care." — Prof. Brian Shannon, Texas Tech University
Judge Steve Leifman watched this transfer happen in real time. After three decades on the bench in Miami-Dade County, he has become one of the nation's foremost authorities on mental health and the justice system. When he started his career as a public defender, the picture looked different.
"When I started, there was probably one wing of one floor housing people with mental illnesses in all of Miami-Dade County. By the time I had become a judge, we had three of nine floors housing people with mental illnesses." — Judge Steve Leifman, Miami-Dade County
Three of nine floors. And that main floor had a name.
"We had this notorious mental health floor in the jail called the ninth floor, which had been renamed by a reporter as the forgotten floor. It was abusive, it was overcrowded, the corrections officers were not trained well, there was a lot of abuse going on — and it was a nightmare." — Judge Steve Leifman, Miami-Dade County
The ninth floor was not an anomaly. It was a mirror — held up to a system that had chosen to route people with serious mental illness through criminal justice rather than healthcare.
"Instead of recognizing that we had put a lot of people at risk, both with and without mental illnesses, and developing a system that actually worked for this population — we decided we would use the criminal justice system as a way to deal with it." — Judge Steve Leifman, Miami-Dade County
And when the system could no longer pretend it was working, Judge Leifman found himself staring at the failure from the bench — forced to make an impossible choice.
"My only option was to release him back to the street and tell him to go get help. It was a joke."— Judge Steve Leifman, Miami-Dade County
He doesn't say it with anger. He says it with the exhausted clarity of someone who has repeated it a thousand times, hoping someone will finally hear it.
"The system was set up to fail — and it failed perfectly." — Judge Steve Leifman, Miami-Dade County
PART II: THE RURAL REALITY
If the national crisis is a storm, in rural West Texas it's a hurricane with nowhere to make landfall. In an urban center, you might have a psychiatric emergency room, a dedicated crisis line, a mobile response team. In the Big Country — you have distance. And silence.
Professor Shannon has seen it firsthand.
"You've got a lot of wide open spaces — counties I've sometimes even heard referred to as frontier counties." — Prof. Brian Shannon, Texas Tech University
In frontier counties, there is often no immediate alternative to a police response. No crisis center. No mobile unit. No clinician on call. Just a dispatcher, a patrol car, and an officer trying to do a job they were never fully trained for.
Dr. Andy Keller is the President and CEO of the Meadows Mental Health Policy Institute. He has spent his career building systems that get ahead of a crisis rather than react to it. He warns that when police are dispatched to a mental health crisis without clinical support, the situation becomes dangerous — not because anyone intends harm, but because the tools don't match the problem.
"If you only send a police officer and they have limited help, and they have limited training, you could have an argument break out. If the paramedic goes to shake my hand and I take my hand away like this, the paramedic's probably not gonna charge me with resisting arrest. But if the officer does — and it's a bad day for them — and I pull my hand away too hard, who knows how that escalates. So why even put the officer in that situation? They don't wanna be in that situation." — Dr. Andy Keller, Meadows Mental Health Policy Institute
Nobody wants to be in that situation. Not the officer. Not the family. And certainly not the person in crisis — who, in many cases, has no idea they're sick at all.
PART III: THE BREAKING POINT
Before Texas could build a solution, it had to reckon with a truth it had been quietly avoiding. This wasn't just a system under strain. It was a system pointed in the wrong direction entirely.
The tools were wrong. The training was wrong. And for a long time — the conversation itself was forbidden. Professor Shannon remembers when mental illness wasn't something you named out loud.
"When my brother first got ill, there was still a great deal of stigma. Persons with a diagnosed mental illness, you didn't talk about it. There was concern that maybe it's because I've been a bad person, or there was evil in this, maybe there was bad parenting. A lot of misunderstanding." — Prof. Brian Shannon, Texas Tech University
For decades, that misunderstanding shaped policy. It shaped who got help — and who got arrested instead. But Shannon has witnessed something slowly shifting.
"I've seen a big shift since I was first involved in this area — with broader openness to discussing mental health issues." — Prof. Brian Shannon, Texas Tech University
And with that openness came a harder question — the question that leaders in Abilene began asking under Police Chief Stan Standridge. Not how do we control this? But how do we care for this?
That question would eventually change everything. But first, the system had to be willing to say — plainly, out loud — what it had become, and what it was costing.
"You can continue to do what you do now — which is releasing people without treatment, that accomplishes nothing, makes matters worse, wastes taxpayer dollars, threatens public safety — or you can release people with treatment." — Judge Steve Leifman, Miami-Dade County
That is the choice Texas began to make.